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作者认为，中国宪法的历史是在1840年鸦鸦片战争以后，中国人民反对外国帝国主义侵略、争取民族独立和反对清朝专制制度、争取民主自由的斗争中揭开序幕的，是特定时代的产物。鸦片战争以后，中国的资本主义有了一定的发展，社会经济结构和阶级结构也发生了相应的变化，为宪政运动的产生提供了重要的物质基础。但是，由于中国当时处于半殖民地半封建的社会，民主政治和宪法的产生和发展具有自己的特点。中国人民为争取民主政治，进行了一个多世纪的英 勇奋斗。在激烈的斗争中，出现了代表不同阶级和社会势力的三种类型的宪法。 （1）半殖民地半封建性质的宪法。即清末统治者、北洋军阀和以蒋介石为首的国民党反动派制定的宪法。自从1900年义和团运动以后，他们迫于革命形势的迅速发展，为了维护自身的统治，扯起制宪的旗帜，在近半个世纪里，制定了一个又一个的宪法。但他们根本上反对人民的民主自由，甚至敌视资产阶级类型的宪法。这些宪法的制定，并没有给中国人民带来民主政治，相反，它们是作为革命的对立物出现的。这些宪法的发展变化过程，反映了革命运动的强大压力和反动统治的深刻危机。这些宪法内容上一脉相承，形式上辗转因袭，属于半殖民地半封建性质的宪法。 （2）资产阶级性质的宪法和宪政运动。中国转变为半殖民地半封建社会后，开始了以民族资产阶级为领导者和主力军的旧民主主义宪政运动。旧民主主义宪政运动的目标是实现资产阶级的民主政治和发展资本主义。它在不同的时期又存在着两条不同的道路：改良主义的道路和旧民主主义革命的道路。前者以1898年君主立宪派领导的戊戌变法为代表，后者则以1911年民主革命派领导的辛亥革命为代表。但是，历史已经残酷地证明，这两条道路是根本走不通的。 1885年中法战争以后，一部分接受过西方资产阶级思想的地主官僚知识分子，例如郑观应、陈虬、陈炽等人，开始认识到西方资本主义国家之所以富强，并不在于船坚炮利，而在于资本主义的民主政治，在于政权的力量保障了资本主义工商业的自由发展。因此，他们把希望寄托在改变封建专制政体、实行君主立宪的改良上。他们提出了设立议院，“合君民为一体，通上下为一心”（陈炽，《议院》，《庸书》）的民主宪政思想，对中国人民争取民主的斗争起了一定的启蒙作用。1895年中日战争失败以后，民族危机加深，民族资本主义经济进一步发展，为改良主义的宪政思想转化为政治运动，提供了重要条件。1898年的戊戌变法是改良主义宪政运动的一次实践。以康有为、梁启超为代表的维新派，主张设立议院，开国会，制定宪法，确立君主立宪制政体，企图在不触及封建制度的基础上，由皇帝恩赐宪政，进行资本主义性质的改革。这场运动反映了一部分地主、官僚和资产阶级上层爱国救亡的呼声，具有进步的历史意义。但是，由于资产阶级改良派脱离人民，反对革命，改良运动不可避免地失败了。 以资产阶级革命先行者孙中山为首的资产阶级革命派反对君主立宪，主张实行欧美各国的民主议会政治，建立资产阶级共和国。1911年的辛亥革命推翻了清朝专制政府，建立了资产阶级革命派领导的南京临时政府。临时政府公布了中国宪法史上唯一的一部具有资产阶级共和国性质的宪法，即《中华民国临时约法》，广泛地宣传了民主共和的观念，促进了中国人民的觉醒。但是，由于资产阶级革命派软弱，屈服于帝国主义和封建主义的压力，被迫与反动势力妥协。结果，革命果实被袁世凯窃取，《中华民国临时约法》成了一纸空文，建立资产阶级宪政的希望也成为一场春梦。 （3）新民主主义性质的宪法和社会主义性质的宪法。20世纪20年代起，中国共产党领导了新民主主义革命。在革命过程中，在革命根据地创建了人民民主政权，制定了反映广大人民意志的宪法性文件。这些宪法性文件既区别于反动派的宪法，又不同于资本主义性质的宪法，而是人民民主主义的宪法。它的颁行巩固了革命根据地，加强了革命政权的建设，推动了全国范围的革命民主运动的发展。 1949年中华人民共和国成立，中国革命进入社会主义历史时期。建国前夕，中国人民政治协商会议第一次全体会议制定了《中国人民政治协商会议共同纲领》。它是中国人民民主革命经验的总结，也是中国人民争取民主宪政经验的总结，在当时起临时宪法的作用。1954年9月，第一届全国人民代表大会第一次全体会议通过了《中华人民共和国宪法》。它是“社会主义类型的宪法，但还不是完全社会主义的宪法，它是一个过渡时期的宪法。”（毛泽东，《关于中华人民共 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